fashion essay

ORIGINAL ARTICLE

Performing Gender: A Content Analysis of Gender Display
in Music Videos

Cara Wallis

Published online: 18 July 2010
# Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

Abstract This study investigated differences in gender
display by male and female performers in music videos.
Goffman’s (1976) conceptual framework of gender display
was refined and expanded upon as a basis for analyzing 12
nonverbal displays associated with subordination, domina-
tion, sexuality, and aggression in music videos by an equal
number of male and female lead performers. 34 music
videos on U.S. cable stations MTV and MTV2 were
divided into 30-second segments, resulting in 253 units
that were coded for gender display. Findings revealed that
significant gender displays primarily reinforced stereotyp-
ical notions of women as sexual objects, and to a lesser
degree, females as subordinate and males as aggressive.
Implications of music videos’ portrayal of stereotypical
gender displays and their role in the construction and
maintenance of the gender status quo are discussed.

Keywords Gender display. Music videos . Sex stereotypes

Introduction

Music videos are an important part of a hugely profitable
and ubiquitous music industry, with over 10 U.S.-based
cable stations offering some sort of music video program-
ming and countless sites on the World Wide Web allowing
for music video viewing and downloading (Grebb 2006).
MTV—the network responsible for launching music videos
into the mainstream in 1981—has numerous U.S. cable TV

channels as well as networks in over 20 countries around
the world that broadcast a mixture of local and western
(primarily American and British) music in addition to other
entertainment programming (Jones 2005). It is estimated
that U.S. adolescents and young adults watch an average of
between 30 min and 3 hr of music videos per day (Roberts
and Christenson 2001; Ward et al. 2005).

Since emerging in the mainstream in the early eighties,
the music video format has generated a fair amount of
scholarly attention, with research focusing especially on the
harmful imagery found in many music videos and the
potential effects of such imagery on youth audiences (Gan
et al. 1997; Hansen and Hansen 1990; Kaloff 1999;
Seidman 1992; Sherman and Dominick 1986; Smith and
Boyson 2002). Early content analyses of music videos
consistently revealed a proliferation of stereotypical gender
roles, particularly as these pertained to negative images of
women and women as sex objects (Baxter et al. 1985;
Brown and Campbell 1986; Sherman and Dominick 1986;
Vincent et al. 1987). Many studies also focused on violence
in music videos, finding that males, compared to females,
were more likely to be aggressors as well as victims of
violence (Baxter et al. 1985; Kalis and Neuendorf 1989;
Sherman and Dominick 1986; Vincent et al. 1987).
Research in the early nineties reached similar conclusions
(Seidman 1992; Sommers-Flanagan et al. 1993; Tapper et al.
1994).

Although there is evidence that the most popular music
videos do not have as much sex and violence as is
commonly assumed (Gow 1990), and though certain music
videos of particular artists have been praised for promoting
positive messages, such as images of female empowerment,
most have been labeled as crass manipulations of youth for
presenting fantasies of hedonistic pleasure or gratuitous
violence (American Academy of Pediatrics 1996; Emerson

C. Wallis (*)
Department of Communication, Texas A&M University,
4234 TAMU,
College Station, TX 77843-4234, USA
e-mail: [email protected]

Sex Roles (2011) 64:160–172
DOI 10.1007/s11199-010-9814-2

2002; Jhally 1990, 1995; Lewis 1990). Particularly harsh
criticism has been leveled at MTV for catering to male
adolescents in its portrayal of gender stereotypes, particularly
those that denigrate women (Seidman 1992; Vincent et al.
1987) or portray leading females in a narrow range of roles
(Gow 1996).

Despite what seem to be similar conclusions regarding
the content of music videos, there has been continued
scholarly interest in this topic (Beebe and Middleton 2007;
Emerson 2002; Railton and Watson 2005; Smith and
Boyson 2002; Ward et al. 2005; Zhang et al. 2008). Such
attention can be attributed to at least two very different
phenomena. First, several scholars have found music video
to be a format that still warrants investigation in part
because of the increasingly sexualized nature of a variety of
forms of American popular culture as well as the
persistence of gender and racial stereotypes in music videos
despite changes in society that have raised the status of
women and ethnic minorities (Emerson 2002; Railton and
Watson 2005; Ward 2003). Second, music videos are now
increasingly available, and potentially more pervasive, both
in the U.S. and abroad, due to the ubiquity of music videos
on websites such as YouTube and multiple viewing
platforms, including mobile phones, portable digital video/
music players, and computers.

This study is a content analysis that attempts to update
(though not replicate) earlier content analyses of music
videos through analyzing gender display in music videos
aired on MTV and MTV2, two of the most dominant outlets
for broadcasting rock, pop, and hip-hop music videos to
youth audiences (Grebb 2006). This research examines the
extent to which male and female lead performers in music
videos adhere to conventional nonverbal gendered behaviors.
The research design drew on Goffman’s (1976) notion of
gender display and subsequent research (Allan and Coltrane
1996; Kang 1997) that has expanded upon his work as well
as prior content analyses of music videos. For this analysis, a
group of gender displays involving hand gestures, body
movement, facial expressions, and clothing were selected for
coding in a sample of 34 music videos. Differences in such
displays based on the gender of the lead performer in the
video were expected.

Music video production is viewed by artists and record
labels as part of their marketing strategy, and marketing
research has consistently shown that heavy rotation of an
artist’s music video is associated with higher record sales
for that artist (Hay 1998; Leeds 2002). Because music
videos are not only a form of entertainment, but also a
means of advertising, ultimately created to sell a product,
their images are intended to be especially powerful and
captivating (Jhally 1990, 1995; Kaplan 1987). Cummins
(2007) notes that the inclusion of sexual content in music
videos is an important marketing tool.

As part of the broad palette of media available to youth,
music videos contribute to the media’s role in gender
socialization, a process whereby the media provide accept-
able notions and models of masculinity and femininity,
which can be observed, reflected upon, and imitated
(Aubrey et al. 2003; Gamson et al. 1992; Morgan 1987;
Ward 2003). Though positive gender images—those that
show men and women in diverse occupations and as whole
individuals rather than sex objects or perpetrators of
violence—are certainly found in the media, scholars from
a range of theoretical and methodological perspectives have
argued persuasively that the ubiquity of stereotypical and
highly sexualized gender images in the media, including
music videos, can have negative consequences for the
mental, emotional, and sexual health of youth, especially
adolescent girls and young women (American Psychological
Association, Task Force on the Sexualization of Girls 2007;
Bordo 1993; Pardun et al. 2005; Ward 2002). Exposure to
sexualized images in music videos in particular has been
associated with greater acceptance of adversarial sexual
beliefs among young men and women (Kaloff 1999) and
more tolerance toward sexual harassment on the part of some
female adolescents (Strouse et al. 1994).

The Importance of Gender Display and Nonverbal
Behavior

Media of all kinds proliferate depictions of gender, and one
way to analyze such mediated representations is to employ
the theoretical construct of gender display. Gender displays,
part of the larger realm of nonverbal behavior, are the
“tertiary sexual characteristics (that are) learned and
socially created” (Mayo and Henley 1981, p. 3). Goffman
(1976) specifically defines gender displays as the “con-
ventionalized portrayals” of the “culturally established
correlates of sex” (p. 1). Gender displays can be thought
of as codes that distinguish the way men and women
participate in social situations, and they tend to be viewed
as natural by both the performer and the recipient. Such
depictions of masculinity and femininity are socially
acquired, patterned, used, and understood in relationship
to others. As Goffman notes, “One might just as well say
there is no gender identity. There is only a schedule for the
portrayal of gender. . . .What, if anything, characterizes
persons as sex-class members is their competence and
willingness to sustain an appropriate schedule of displays”
(p. 8). To Goffman, our gendered behavior, as well as our
concepts of masculinity and femininity, are scripts that are
dictated by our environment that we consciously and
unconsciously learn and perform in order to play our
appropriate roles in society.

Gender display, as an aspect of nonverbal behavior,
includes touch, facial expressions, eye contact, gestures,

Sex Roles (2011) 64:160–172 161

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and posture. Nonverbal behavior is tremendously impor-
tant, yet because nonverbal elements are generally out of
conscious awareness, they usually go unnoticed unless
extremely exaggerated or in violation of behavioral norms.
However, the strength of nonverbal behavior can be seen in
the fact that when the nonverbal contradicts the verbal,
usually the former is believed (Giles and Le Poire 2006).

Nonverbal behavior is also said to encode power
relations (Bordo 1993; Burgoon and Dillman 1995; Mayo
and Henley 1981). Many empirical studies have associated
power with more use of hand gestures, touching others, and
sustained gazing, and have found that men engage in such
behaviors more than women (Burgoon and Le Poire 1999;
Henley 1995; Major et al. 1990). Self-touch, however, has
been correlated with lower status and as such is more often
associated with women (Carney et al. 2001; Harrigan et al.
1991). Just as there is contradictory evidence as to whether
lower-status individuals smile more than those with higher
status (Hecht and LaFrance 1998), some studies have found
that females smile more than males (Deutsch, as cited in
Henley 1995; Hall et al. 2000; LaFrance and Mayo 1978).
However, others have yielded no significant results (Carney
et al. 2001). In a meta-analysis of 162 studies, La France
et al. (2003) found that women smiled more than men but
that characteristics including age and nationality as well as
situational context influenced such behavior.

In general, it has been surmised that a woman who
demonstrates masculine nonverbal behavior may be consid-
ered offensive because she threatens power relations, yet a man
who acts feminine may be seen as merely idiosyncratic (Mayo
and Henley 1981). As summarized by Henley (1995), there is
fairly consistent empirical support for “the hypothesis that
men’s nonverbal behavior tends to parallel the behavior
associated with dominance and power, whereas women’s
tends to parallel the behavior of the subordinate and
powerless” (p. 40). Such implications of nonverbal behavior
in the real-world behaviors of males and females also are
relevant when examining gender display in the media.

Gender Display in the Media

Numerous studies have focused on stereotypical portrayals
of men and women in the media, and television in
particular has been blamed for creating false expectations
of beauty and body shape (Children Now 1996–2003; Want
et al. 2009), objectifying women (Signorielli 1989; Ward
2003), and allotting more diverse roles to men compared to
women (Bretl and Cantor 1988; Davis 1990; Signorielli
2009). However, a smaller body of research has specifically
utilized the concept of gender display to analyze the
portrayal of males and females in various forms of media,
especially magazines and television commercials (Allan
and Coltrane 1996; Belknap and Leonard 1991; Kang

1997). These studies can be traced to Goffman’s (1976)
landmark investigation of the power of visual images in
disseminating nonverbal messages about gender. In his
analysis of nearly 400 advertisements for gender-relevant
behavior, or “genderisms,” Goffman classified men and
women’s portrayals in five ways. In the first, relative size, he
noted that men were almost always taller than women,
presumably to represent their superior social rank. In the
second category, feminine touch, he found images of women
who were pictured touching themselves to convey a sense of
the female body as precious and fragile. In the third category,
function ranking, males in the ads had an occupational or
active role while women usually did not. For the fourth
category, Goffman found several examples of what he saw as
women performing “the ritualization of subordination,”
including lowering the body in deference, a “bashful knee
bend,” and “canting,” or lowering the head to show submis-
sion. In the fifth and final category, licensed withdrawal, he
observed women portrayed more often than men as removed
psychologically (and thus in need of the protection or goodwill
of others). This category included such gestures as covering
the mouth to hide losing control of ones’ emotions (when
afraid, for example), a finger to the mouth to show anxiety or
contemplation, averting one’s gaze or head to show submis-
sion, and numerous poses to indicate withdrawal from the
social situation at hand. Goffman concluded that overall
women were presented as precious or fragile, passive,
submissive, and in need of the protection or goodwill of others.

Goffman’s method has been criticized, mostly for what
has been perceived as a lack of methodological rigor. For
example, Goffman did not choose a random sample of ads
in order to conduct his content analysis, and his categories
are not mutually exclusive (Smith 1996). To Cioffi (2000),
he is merely “stating the obvious” (p. 97). Another criticism
is that gender display as a concept does not get at the depth
to which people “do” gender in everyday interactions (West
and Zimmerman 1991). Still, Goffman’s work has been
extremely influential and has been adapted to address
these criticisms. Belknap and Leonard (1991) extended
Goffman’s categories to analyze men’s and women’s
magazines. They found that the prevalence of “gender-
isms,” particularly feminine touch and the ritualization of
subordination, seemed to be greater in so-called modern
magazines than traditional ones. Relative size and function
ranking were found less frequently. Kang (1997) com-
pared a random sample of ads in women’s magazines in
the early nineties as a means of conceptually replicating
Goffman’s study. She used Goffman’s categories as well
as two additional ones and, like Belknap and Leonard,
found infrequent instances of relative size and function
ranking. However, there were more stereotypical por-
trayals of female body display and licensed withdrawal
than in Goffman’s study.

162 Sex Roles (2011) 64:160–172

Other research has analyzed gender display in television
commercials. Comparing commercials from the “classic”
era and from the 1980s, Allan and Coltrane (1996) found
gender stereotypes still at work, often with little change
between the two periods, particularly in terms of the
number of men compared to women and the voice of
narrators. They also noted an increase in nontypical gender
display of nearly 28% for women (e.g. women demonstrating
“masculine” traits) but a decrease by 9% for men. Allan and
Coltrane concluded, “Much of what we do with gender
display in social interaction is ‘boundary work:’ we create and
reaffirm group boundaries and construct differences between
males and females” (p. 201). In other comparisons of
commercials over time, larger degrees of gender bias and
stereotypes have been found in more recent commercials than
in earlier ones, indicating that television commercials may
have actually regressed in terms of gender neutrality (Bartsch
et al. 2000; Ganahl et al. 2003).

Such research suggests that the concept of gender
display is a useful framework for analyzing gender
representations in various types of media, particularly when
the research focus is on nonverbal behavior. Aware of the
critiques of Goffman, Smith (1996) sees potential for
systematizing and extending Goffman’s analytic frame-
work. Among his recommendations are that Goffman’s
categories should be made mutually exclusive, and that as
analytic categories they need to be operationalized in order
to be more effective. He also discusses the need for new
types of “genderisms.” These suggestions will be addressed
in the current study, which investigates the nonverbal
correlates of gender in music videos, a topic that has been
understudied in music video research.

Overview of the Study

Though prior research offers persuasive findings regarding
women’s subordinate status and men’s dominant status in
media depictions in general, this study seeks to remedy
certain limitations in some of the previous analyses of
gender representations in music videos and to offer a
unique perspective through focusing specifically on gender
display. First, in several studies (Seidman 1992; Sherman
and Dominick 1986; Vincent et al. 1987) only concept
videos, in which a performer plays a role in the “story” of
the video, were analyzed to the exclusion of performance
videos, or videos that portray the artist simply performing
the song. It is true that more is usually “happening” in
concept videos in the sense that lead performers can take on
an array of different behaviors, costumes, and roles while
acting in the video. However, it seems likely that an
exclusion of performance videos might skew the research
results, and studies that only take into account concept videos
while claiming to measure what is in music videos may not be

presenting the whole picture. This study analyzes concept as
well as performance videos because gender display, which is
an often unconscious correlate of masculinity and femininity,
should be prevalent in both types of videos.

Second, in a number of the prior content analyses that
investigated sexuality or gender in music videos, the whole
video was used as the coding unit so that behaviors and
characteristics of performers were only coded once (e.g.
Baxter et al. 1985; Seidman 1992; Tapper et al. 1994;
Vincent et al. 1987). However, because most music videos
are three to four minutes in length, it is very likely that
certain behaviors will be repeated during the course of the
video. Only coding a particular behavior or gesture one
time allows for the potential misrepresentation of what is
happening in music videos. This study therefore divided
each video into 30-second units to be coded in order to
capture a more complete picture of gender display.

The third and perhaps most significant reason to look
once again at the content of music videos is that although
prior music video research has focused on sex-role stereo-
typing, none have performed a comprehensive analysis of
gender displays of male and female performers in the
videos in the manner of Goffman’s original study of print
ads or in the mode in which Smith (1996) suggests
Goffman’s categories can be expanded and operationalized.
Analyzing displays “of” the body such as hand gestures and
facial expressions as well as displays “on” the body
including clothing may shed more light on constructs of
femininity and masculinity in music videos.

Finally, given societal changes since much of the previous
music video research was conducted, there is reason to believe
the gendered content of music videos is in need of a fresh
assessment. Some recent summaries and meta-analyses of a
large body of research on gender suggest that there may be
more similarities than differences in the thinking and behavior
of men and women (Barnett and Rivers 2004; Hyde 2005).
Certain trends in popular culture and in the music industry
itself in recent years, such as “emo” (emotional) rock, “riot
grrrls,” and “girl power,” purport notions of gender equality
and broadened ideas of acceptable forms of masculinity and
femininity (Banet-Weiser 2004; Leonard 1997; Whitely
2000). On the other hand, some have argued that postfem-
inist notions of gender equality and female empowerment
have meant that women have become even more sexualized
and objectified in the media (Levy 2005; McRobbie 2004).
Others believe that as the overall status of women continues
to increase in society, the result will be less stereotyped
gender representations of men and women disseminated in
popular culture (Gauntlett 2002). However, as the research
cited above indicates, this does not seem to be the case with
television commercials or magazine ads, so there is no
reason to automatically assume this is true in music videos.
All of these trends give cause for a reexamination of male

Sex Roles (2011) 64:160–172 163

and female representations in music videos through utilizing
gender display as a theoretical framework.

Research Question and Hypotheses

An analysis of gender display in music videos is relevant, both
for theoretical and sociological reasons, as it potentially serves
to further knowledge of the media’s role in the social
construction of gender. Though humans become “gendered”
through multiple complex processes that are both conscious
and unconscious, the media representations that are absorbed
(consciously and unconsciously), reflected upon, and imitated
play a key role (Aubrey et al. 2003; Gamson et al. 1992;
Morgan 1987; Ward 2003). Modeling and imitation can be
vicariously reinforced through seeing others—particularly
role models in various media—rewarded for what is
considered correct behavior, including gender appropriate
behavior (Bandura 1986; Bussey and Bandura 1999). For
youth, popular music artists are often viewed as role models
(Raviv et al. 1996), and music videos have been shown to
affect adolescents’ conceptions of acceptable sexual behavior
and gender stereotypes (Hansen and Hansen 1988; Strouse et
al. 1995; Ward et al. 2005; Zhang et al. 2008). Their
increasing availability through a variety of platforms
(Internet, mobile phone, iPod) means that their images and
messages are potentially more widespread than ever before
(Caramanica 2005). Although claims of direct effects of the
media on people’s gender attitudes and behavior are highly
contentious, we know that there is at least some influence
(Gan et al. 1997; Hansen and Hansen 2000); hence,
revisiting the topic of the content of music videos is
worthwhile. As Seidman (1992) notes, “Music videos not
only appear to reflect society and its norms, but may also
help socialize young people by communicating ideas about
proper behavior … as well as influencing males and females
to develop distinct personality characteristics” (p. 209).

This research investigates the representations of males
and females and the nonverbal behaviors that are associated
with masculinity and femininity in current music videos.
The research question guiding this study is, what are the
gender displays of male and female lead performers in their
music videos and how do they differ from one another? The
answer could reveal much about the often subtle (or not so
subtle) construction of gender in music videos.

Much of the literature on nonverbal communication and
gender display summarized earlier links certain nonverbal
behaviors with power (Burgoon and Dillman 1995; Goffman
1976; Henley 1995). Prior content analyses of television
commercials and music videos have shown men and women
in hierarchical positions, with men displaying more domi-
nance compared to women (Allan and Coltrane 1996;
Seidman 1992; Sommers-Flanagan et al. 1993). Because
previous research has also found that televisual portrayals of

gender often lag behind more progressive notions of gender
equality in real life (Ganahl et al. 2003), the first two
hypotheses in this study are:

H1: Female lead performers will display more subor-
dinate nonverbal behavior than will male lead
performers.

H2: Male lead performers will display more dominant
modes of nonverbal behavior than will female lead
performers.

Because much of the research on music videos and
television commercials has shown high degrees of sexuality
associated with women (Brown and Campbell 1986;
Rouner et al. 2003; Seidman 1992) and in the case of
music videos, high degrees of aggression associated with
men (Kalis and Neuendorf 1989; Vincent 1989), the third
and fourth hypotheses in this study are:

H3: Female lead performers will display more overt
sexuality than will male lead performers in terms of
suggestive gestures, facial expressions, and attire.

H4: Male lead performers will engage in more
nonverbal displays of aggression than will female
lead performers.

In general, it is hypothesized that despite changes in
society and in popular culture, male and female lead
performers will demonstrate stereotypical gender displays
in their music videos.

Method

Design

This study examined gender display of male and female
lead performers in a sample of concept and performance
music videos aired on MTV and MTV2. These networks
were chosen as popular television outlets for airing rock,
pop, and hip-hop videos to a large audience. More than 86
million households subscribe to MTV alone (MTV Net-
works International 2004). In 2004 MTV had been the
number-one rated 24-hour ad-supported cable network
among 12-to-24-year-olds for 31 consecutive quarters while
MTV2 was also extremely popular among adolescents and
young adults and reached over 45 million households
(MTV Networks International).

A content-analytic scheme was developed based on
gender-stereotypic nonverbal displays in accordance with
Goffman’s categories and Smith’s (1996) suggestion to use
mutually exclusive “genderisms.” The prior findings on
gender representation in television commercials and music
videos discussed earlier were also considered in developing
the content-analytic scheme. As elaborated in more detail

164 Sex Roles (2011) 64:160–172

below, gender displays initially chosen for the analysis
included hand gestures, body movement, and facial
expressions. Clothing, a gender-stereotypic nonverbal dis-
play adorning the body, was also included.

Video Selection

Music videos were selected using a purposive sampling
strategy. The goal was to generate a broad sample of pop,
rock, and rap music videos popular at the time and that
contained sufficient representations of males and females for
meaningful comparisons. An equal number of videos by male
and female lead performers was desired in order to run a
MANOVA as a discriminant analysis, a test that requires equal
cell sizes to be robust to the assumption of multivariate
normality.

Thirty hours of MTV and 10 hr of MTV2 were
videotaped for three weeks during late October 2004 and
early November 2004. Videotaping was done on alternating
days during rotating three-hour blocks between 5:00 am
and 11:00 am, considered “prime time” for music videos
because most MTV daytime programming is increasingly
devoted to talk shows, game shows, and reality shows.
During the sampling period, it became clear that MTV
broadcast an overwhelming number of videos with male
lead performers, so additional recording of MTV2 was
done during the last week of the taping period. This taping
added only three additional music videos to the sample.
This limited number and the fact that only 82 unique videos
aired throughout the taping period suggests that the taping
captured the videos in rotation at the time. The taped videos
were also assumed to be representative of a broader time
period because there is no available evidence that indicates
that seasonal changes influence the types of videos shown;
rather, a given video’s amount of rotation is strongly linked
to its song’s sales volume (and vice versa). It should be
noted that all of the videos analyzed in this study were also
available on MTV’s website and thus potentially accessible
to a much larger audience both domestically and interna-
tionally at any time. In addition, some of the videos were
featured on its home page as well as on Total Request Live
(TRL), a popular show at the time of taping.

The 40 hr of taping yielded a sample of 65 unique videos
of male performers and 17 unique videos of female
performers. In line with previous content analyses (e.g.,
Sherman and Dominick 1986; Sommers-Flanagan et al.
1993), repeated videos were eliminated. To obtain an equal
number of videos by males and females, the 65 male videos
were numbered and a sample of 17 videos was selected by
drawing 17 two-digit numbers from a random numbers
table. The final total number of videos coded was 34. For
ease and comprehensiveness of coding, each video was
divided into units of 30 s, with the average video containing

7.5 units for a total of 253 units. A time display was put on
each video to …

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